24. The requirement that primary schooling should be free for the child has generated a great deal of consensus, but the requirement that primary school should also be free of financial cost for the child's parents does not generate consensus. One reason for the lack of global consensus on governmental responsibility to ensure free education is the parental primary responsibility, financial as well as any other, for their children. Another is that government obligation to ensure free education for all school-age children does not imply its monopoly over education. On the contrary, parental choice of education for their children forms part of international human rights law. Ideally, this choice should be free in all meanings of this word, including its exercise between different types of Government-funded schools. In practice, parental freedom of choice is confined to wealthy parents, as they can only exercise it at their cost.
25. School fees impose upon parents the obligation to finance the education of their children that should be public and free. Thus, children of poor parents are victimized by being denied education. Moreover, she sad fact that many children have to work to pay the costs of their own primary school remains cloaked in silence. The duty to financially contribute to the cost of primary education is spread among the whole population where education is financed by the State out of general taxation. Taxation exempts the poorest; those who do not earn enough to be liable to taxation are not taxed. Where fees are charged in primary school, those who are too poor to afford the cost are often not exempt from charges. Where exemptions are nominally provided, they are too cumbersome, or too humiliating to comply with, or too expensive to administer. Furthermore, the charging of fees in public primary schooling has blurred the boundary between public and private education.
26. School fees are most often charged for enrolment, tuition and examinations. Where education is tuition free, charges are levied for the use of educational facilities and materials (such as laboratories, computers or sports equipment), or for extracurricular activities (such as excursions or sports), or generally for supplementing teachers' salaries or school maintenance. Such fees represent a considerable burden because these charges are added to all other costs of education. Besides school fees in different guises, direct expenditures include the cost of textbooks (which are provided free of charge in some countries, subsidized in many, but sold at a profit in others), supplies and equipment (notebooks, sketchbooks, pens and pencils), transportation (provided free of charge in few countries), meals (also provided free of charge in some countries, sometimes as an inducement to parents to send their children to school), as well as school uniforms where these are required for school attendance or represent a custom whose breach would penalize children without uniforms. These costs can be prohibitively high and prevent children from enrolling or force them to drop out. Moreover, all government reports under all human rights treaties point out the same effect of school fees: this type of economic exclusion affects girls much more than boys.
27. The pattern of the charging of school fees shows that they are poverty, rather than policy based. No school fees have been found in the 34 members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the European Union (EU) and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) 13. As table 1 shows, the charging of school fees encompasses 91 countries, and is particularly widespread in Africa and Asia. Government reports under human rights treaties, from which most of this information is derived, routinely refer to their inability - rather than unwillingness - to introduce or restore free education for all children of compulsory school age. Frequent references to structural adjustment programmes, fiscal austerity and economic recession in government reports demonstrate the discord between rights-based and non-rights-based global approaches.
28. Poverty-based exclusion from education highlights the impossibility of alleviating poverty through education for all those who are too poor to afford its cost and these findings point to the need for an immediate and all-encompassing global commitment to the elimination of school fees. Its basis is the increasing number of countries re-introducing free primary education at the turn of the millennium, buttressed by the global prevalence of legal guarantees of the right to education. This would facilitate a global shift back to the original, rights-based model of progressive realization of the right to education.>
III. THE PURPOSE OF EDUCATION : REINFORCING OR ELIMINATING INEQUALITY ? [ Go to Contents ]
29. The right to education straddles the division of human rights into civil and political, on one hand, and economic, social and cultural, on the other hand. It embodies them all, affirming the conceptual universality of human rights and its underpinning, the refusal to accept that inequality and poverty are inevitable. Progress has been achieved through the almost-global acceptance of the rights of the child, which are by definition cross-cutting and the global commitment to gender equality, which necessitates unifying artificially divided categories of rights. Further steps are necessary to design and put into practice a comprehensive strategy for the elimination of gender discrimination with regard to the right to education and human rights in education, as well as for enhancing the enjoyment of all rights and freedoms through education. The general practice still is to target women as a vulnerable category rather than addressing what makes them vulnerable, in particular their being rights-less and, consequently, asset- less. Women's land ownership and employment opportunities influence the motivation of parents and the girls themselves. Successful prolongation of girls' schooling delays marriage and childbearing, decreasing fertility and the numbers of children to be educated in the future. Women's increased political representation tends to have ripple effects on all facets of development. This was illustrated by the monitoring of the Millennium Development Goals, which has singled out Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Iceland, the Netherlands and Germany as the best performers among developed, and Argentina, Costa Rica and South Africa amongst developing countries 14. It is no coincidence that all exhibit high levels of women's political representation.
30. With the benefit of hindsight, it is easy to highlight the main features of collapsed models of schooling, which defined education as the springboard to guaranteed employment in the civil service. The language of instruction was the official language of the country, primary schooling was merely a preparatory stage for further education, the right to work was defined as access to a public-sector lifelong job. The collapse of that model created phenomena such as graduate unemployment, or the abandonment of schooling, which visibly and painfully testifies to the need for adaptability of education. Education statistics, however, measure only the internal objectives of education, such as learning outcomes. Assessing the contribution of education to what the learners can do with it after they finish school is key to adapting it to change, and human rights provide a ready-made framework. Moreover, the interface between school and society profoundly affects education. Its "intake", the children who are starting school, do so after learning a great deal in their family and community. Its "output", the graduates, bring with them the knowledge, skills and values they were taught in school. These may conflict with the knowledge, skills and values in society.
A. Girls and schools [ Go to Contents ]
31. The terminological shift to gender requires an underlying conceptual shift with regard to both sexes, as well as the relations between them. In education, the challenge is to strategize the achievement of gender equality in education and through education. A corollary requirement is to define equality of both women and men as the yardstick for measuring progress rather than merely equality between women and men.
32. The orientation of global development strategies towards eradication of poverty has converted the right to education into a powerful tool for mainstreaming human rights and gender equality. Poverty has been universally affirmed as a key obstacle to the enjoyment of the right to education. It has a visible gender profile as denials and violations of human rights, including the right to education, disproportionally victimize girls and women. Various grounds of exclusion and discrimination combine, trapping new generations - especially girls - into a vicious downward spiral of denied rights, where the lack of access to education leads to early marriage and childbearing, which then result in perpetuating and increasing impoverishment. This circular relationship requires rights-based education as a pathway out of poverty.
33. Table 2 illustrates how widespread an obstacle to girls' education child marriage and pregnancy are. Overcoming this obstacle requires a well-designed strategy for changing social norms through the mobilization of teachers, parents, community leaders, and pupils themselves.
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34. Strengthened and broadened commitments to gender equality in access to education have not yet evolved into similar commitments to attaining gender equality through education. There is a colossal difference between the two. Getting girls into schools often founders because education as a single sector does not, on its own, generate sufficiently attractive incentives for the girls' parents and the girls themselves if educated girls cannot apply their education to sustain themselves and/or help their parents. Years of schooling appear wasted when women do not have access to employment and/or are precluded from becoming self-employed, do not have a choice whether to marry and bear children, or their opportunities for political representation are foreclosed.
B. Access to sex education [ Go to Contents ]
35. As announced in her previous annual report (E/CN.4/2003/9, paras. 43-44), the Special Rapporteur has initiated a survey of schoolchildren's access to sex education. Space constraints allow only a brief summary of a few highlights, and a fuller presentation will be done during the Commission's sixtieth session.
36. An explicit provision on sex education is
contained in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women, which obliges States parties in article 10
(h), to ensure for girls and women "access to specific educational
information to help to ensure the health and well-being of families,
including information and advice on family planning." The Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) has defined family
planning to include sex education in its general recommendation No. 21. 15
The Committee on the Rights of the Child in its general comment No. 3 on
HIV/AIDS and the rights of the child, has interpreted the Convention on
the Rights of the Child as affirming the right to sex education for
children (para. 6) in order to enable "them to deal positively and
responsibly with their sexuality", and continued:
"The Committee wishes to emphasize that effective
HIV/AIDS prevention requires States to refrain from censoring,
withholding or intentionally misrepresenting health related information,
including sexual education and information, and that ... States parties
must ensure that children have the ability to acquire the knowledge and
skills to protect themselves and others as they begin to express their
sexuality." (para 16)
37. Sex education epitomizes the profound differences between and within countries in their treatment of children. Divergent attitudes towards children simmer underneath the apparent almost-global acceptance of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Ferocious political duels amongst adults determine school curricula and teaching materials with regard to human sexuality. Girls pay the largest price. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has provided an illustration of the fate that girls are doomed to by provisions of domestic law: "the law applicable in the case of rape of a minor excuses the perpetrator of the crime if he is prepared to marry his victim (see CRC/C/15/Add.84, para 13)."
38. Children who are married at the age of 10 -- which is, according to the World Health Organization definition, the beginning of adolescence -- have no transition to adulthood. Girls are declared adults when they marry. Once married, girls are "considered as adults and therefore no longer eligible" to enjoy the rights they should have as children15. The age-based definition of adolescence, encompassing children from the age of 10 to 19, coincides with the length of compulsory education in a few countries only. Its duration aims at enabling children to study and learn before they take upon themselves responsibilities that define them as adults, especially through becoming financially self-sufficient and starting their own families. The process of biological, psychological, emotional and social maturation is thereby facilitated through institutionalized education. Cutting off children's education at the age of 10 or 11 deprives them of adolescence, burdening them with adult responsibilities much before they are able to cope with them.
39. The abyss between forceful demands that schoolchildren be provided with sex education as a matter of right and its denial in the name of their parents' rights defines the scope of the problem. Proponents of both extremes in this debate resort to human rights language in arguing their case. Proponents of the children's right to know cite their best interests buttressed by public health considerations. International public health experts, convened by the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO/WHO), have found that "sexuality refers to a core dimension of being human & experienced and expressed in all that we are, what we feel, think and do16". Opponents cite parental rights and invoke public morality, claiming that children should be protected from "immoral 'sex education'17" As summed up by the Government of Lesotho, "some parents strongly feel that sexual reproduction health education empowers children to be sexually active, whereas others feel that it enables them to make informed decisions (CRC/C/11/Add.20, para.37)."
40. Table 3 lists countries and territories according
to the number of officially recorded adolescents bearing children, using
the standard measure of the number of births per 1,000 girls aged 15-19.
There is no official recording of births by girls younger than 15, and the
problem is hidden behind the complete lack of data, thus statistically
invisible. Nevertheless, the problem is painfully visible in government
reports under human rights treaties. For example, in Gabon "children aged
10 could & be married (CRC/C/41/Add.10, para. 71)." 22 The Government
of the United Republic of Tanzania has reported that "Islamic law in
Zanzibar also seems to recognize the possibility that girl children may be
married before they reach puberty and without their consent
(CRC/C/8/Add.14/Rev.1, para. 161)." 23 In Niger, girls are married at
puberty, "the age varies from 9 to 16 years" (CRC/C/3/Add.29/Rev.1, para.
18). 24 A similar situation has been described by Mozambique:
Rural communities usually consider that a girl is no
longer a child when she has her first menstruation. This is when
initiation rites take place or are concluded and she is ready for
married life....some rural communities practice initiation rites on
girls even before their first menstruation, sometimes when they are only
seven years old" (CRC/C/41/Add.11, paras. 69-70). 25
41. The accuracy of figures in table 3 depends on the comprehensiveness and reliability of birth registration, which is notoriously inadequate in many developing countries. A child-mother may not have been registered herself when she was born, nor will her child be. It is well knows that too many births are not registered, as well as that hiding the birth of a child may constitute the only way that the child-mother can avoid punishment where societal or legal norms ban childbearing by children.
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42. Table 3 demonstrates in its uppermost part, which lists Angola, Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone, how much girls are victimized by warfare and militarization, and how little chance of schooling there is in circumstances where more than one in five becomes a child mother. Opting out of that fate is routinely impossible because there simply is no alternative. Superficial diagnoses which attribute childbearing by children to religion or culture are belied by the data in Table 3 since countries sharing religious or cultural traits demonstrate substantively different outcomes.
IV. THE CONTINUING OBSTACLE OF ERRONEOUS CONCEPTS [ Go to Contents ]
43. The unique advantage of the human rights approach is its comprehensive legal framework, defining human rights and the corresponding government obligations which span horizontal and vertical division of competences. The symmetry between human rights and corollary government responsibilities ensures sustainability, linking empowerment with accountability. The rule of law as the foundation of human rights both facilitates and necessitates legal guarantees of the right to education and human rights safeguards in education. Changes in global and domestic education strategies at the turn of the millennium have broadened the scope for integrating human rights. A similar process of adjustment is necessary in human rights to adapt the right to education to changed circumstances.
44. Much as human rights are universal, so are the problems. Similar, often identical problems are encountered in different countries, and each country can benefit from the experiences of others. Rights-based approaches provide tools for identifying problems and a toolbox of global experiences in solving them. Problem-defining triggers asking new and different questions and seeking different types of data to document underlying problems.
45. No right can exist without remedies. Hence, the recognition of individual rights entails the corresponding standing to claim rights and demand remedies for their denial or violation. The evolution of human rights laws has been accompanied by setting up domestic and international institutional infrastructures for providing remedies for their denials and violations, both legal and extra-legal.
A. Getting children to school is merely a means, not the end of education [ Go to Contents ]
46. The quantitative goals and the associated targets in global education strategies entail reasoning in terms of figures, not people's lives or their rights. Statistics referring to out-of- school children can differ by millions owning to altered statistical categorizations, not changed numbers of children. For example, the reduction of primary schooling by one year in China, India and the Russian Federation diminished the number of out-of-school children in the world from 115 million in 1999 to 104 million in 200318. This is a reminder that "Goodhart's Law", developed within the realm of central bankers, applies broadly: any target that is set quickly loses its meaning as it becomes manipulated.
47. Commonly used definitions of the quality of
education reflect one purpose of education, namely learners' achievement.
Quantitative and qualitative dimensions of education that have been
prioritized to enhance learning vary in time and place. Differences
between and within countries reveal, on the one hand, an insufficient
number of schools without essential safety and environmental health
safeguards as well as untrained and, often, unpaid teachers and, on the
other hand, schooling that produces outcomes ranked high within
internationally administered tests of learning accomplishments. Government
obligation to define and ensure the quality of education requires an
assessment of the existing conditions against the postulated goals of
education, a definition of standards that should be in place everywhere,
and an identification of institutions and procedures whereby these
standards will be implemented, monitored and enforced. Within the area of
education, critiques of globalized central planning, consisting of targets
and tests, provide an excellent entry point for integrating human rights.
Joel Samoff has followed his objections to considering education to be a
technique with the focus on cost-effective ways of delivering education
services by saying:
"The most important measures of success of an
education programme are the learning that has taken place and the
attitudes and values that have been developed. There is little point in
reducing the cost of 'delivering education services' without attention
to whether or not learning is taking place. Assessing learning and
socialization is both complex and difficult. That it is difficult makes
it all the more important that it be addressed systematically and
critically.19"
48. Rights-based education broadens the focus of quantitative data and internal objectives of education to all rights of all key actors in education, encompassing processes of teaching, learning and socialization. As UNESCO has put it, "the inclusion of human rights in education is a key element of a quality education20." This entails an altered design of education strategies, which should accommodate the minimum universal human rights standards pertaining to the key subjects of rights: the learners, their parents and their teachers. These often necessitate creating quantitative and qualitative data which do not, as yet, exist because the process of integrating human rights throughout the process of education, encompassing both teaching and learning, is new. The pioneering work of the Inter-American Institute of Human Rights (Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, IIDH) in developing the conceptual framework and indicators for assessing the state of human rights education merits particular attention. Its approach to defining human rights education as part of the right to education and the scope of analysis encompassing public policy, the curriculum, teachers' education and school textbooks represent a model that can easily be replicated as does the set of indicators to complement qualitative analyses21.
49. There is, however, a paucity of quantitative data that are both desired and necessary for the monitoring of the right to education and human rights in education. These include the child's mother tongue as well as religious and ethnic background. Personal identification of individuals by their race or religion is prohibited in many countries, hence population-based data are compiled instead. The sensitivity of recording religion or political affinity of parents, and thus their children, is based on, inter alia, the possible victimization that this may entail. Identification of children's learning abilities and disabilities also creates controversy, albeit of a different kind. Ongoing efforts to create internationally comparable statistics relating to the special needs that education should accommodate have revealed differences in underlying definitions. The proportion of children categorized as having special needs varies between 1 per cent and 40 per cent, demonstrating incomparability of national statistics as well as the underlying definitions
B. Schooling can be deadly [ Go to Contents ]
50. One could easily imagine the difference that education would make if schools stopped education for human rights (which is a considerable accomplishment on its own merits) and children started to be educated as people with rights. This is easy to imagine because it encapsulates what rights-based education means. Translating this from vision to reality, however, requires the identification and abolition of contrary practices, a difficult task because these are not monitored, least of all globally. One important reason is the assumption that getting children into school is the end rather than a means of education, and an even more dangerous assumption that any schooling is good for children. As a 10-year-old schoolchild has said to the Special Rapporteur, "Everybody thought they knew what was good for me and no one thought of asking".
51. The almost exclusive focus on getting children to school in global education strategies jeopardizes the need to ascertain that children are - at least - safe while at school. The Special Rapporteur's mission to China (E/CN.4/2004/45/Add.1, para. 14) revealed one facet of the risk that schoolchildren may be running when they work at school, that they may die because they have to work. In one of her letters to the Government of Turkey, on 7 July 2003, the Special Rapporteur asked for clarification of the reported deaths of 84 secondary school pupils when the school building collapsed because it had been improperly built, allegedly because of corruption. These two recent instances are merely an illustration of a huge and unexplored problem. For example, nobody knows how many children die as result of corporal punishment at school.
52. As adults, we are often faced with the need to un-learn what we were taught at school. This recalls a definition of learning used by the military, which emphasizes "changed behaviour based upon previous experiences"22. The process of un-learning and re-learning was described by Rami Kaplan of the Courage to Refuse Group thus: "It took me a long time to realize, to understand, that not everything I learned during my long years as an officer was correct23".
C.Education can be a barrier or a bridge between individuals and communities [ Go to Contents ]
53. Alongside transmission of knowledge, education is the key vehicle for inter-generational transmission of values. These may be articulated in national education strategies and laws or remain implicit. Rights-based education requires conformity of the entire process of education, encompassing both teaching and learning, with the ends and means specified in human rights standards. The exit of learners from education into society demands scrutiny in accordance with human rights criteria, and the impact of education should be assessed by the contribution it makes to the enjoyment of all human rights. Thus, richly endowed education systems may be faulted for their failure to rupture intergenerational transmission of racism or xenophobia; segregated education may be faulted for fostering disintegration of society or inter-community conflicts. The indivisibility of human rights as the conceptual basis for assessing the human rights impact of education is, as yet, an unexplored area. One important reason is sectoral orientation of education, while rights-based approaches are cross-sectoral. The particular focus of human rights on the elimination of gender and racial discrimination indicates issues to be prioritized. Moreover, specific provisions on the contents of education highlight the adjustments needed for all education to underpin promotion of human rights.
54. UNESCO forged the concept of a right to be different in 1978, positing that "[a]ll individuals and groups have the right to be different, to consider themselves as different and to be regarded as such.24" Albie Sachs took this one step further in 2000, affirming "the right of people to be who they are without being forced to subordinate themselves to the cultural and religious norms of others 25." International human rights law demands substitution of the previous requirement upon children to adapt themselves to whatever education was available by adapting education to the best interests of each child. In our imperfect world, the right of each child to be regarded - and respected - as different remains a distant dream. Children are, in practice, reduced to the few denominators that are monitored and thereby inform education laws and policies. These are often only sex and age, rarely disability, only sometimes the child's mother tongue, religion, race or provenance. Thus, the next step that should be taken is to adapt education so that it can treat children as individuals rather than as bearers of particular ethnic or religious traits.
D.Segregation or inclusiveness, identical or preferential treatment ? [ Go to Contents ]
55. Although international prohibitions of discrimination tend to be replicated in most national laws, elimination of discrimination is an immense challenge, everywhere. Prohibiting denial of education to a child because she is female or belongs to a minority or is disabled - or all of these - is only the first step towards affirming the universality of the right to education and the corollary obligation to encompass all children by education. This first step, a formal prohibition of discrimination, therefore has to be followed by additional steps to redress the heritage of such denials.
56. The fiftieth anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka in April 2004 brings back the memorable statement of the United States Supreme Court that separate schools are never equal and requires revisiting the road travelled in the past five decades 26. Controversies revolving around affirmative action in education in the United States (see E/CN.4/2002/60/Add. 1, paras. 50-53) epitomize choices to be made through its description by some as reversing discrimination, by others as reverse discrimination. A look back at the past half-century shows that powerful movements opposed racial segregation. Their success was marked by prohibitions of racial discrimination and government obligations to eliminate it. Segregation has been, however, altered rather than eliminated. The boundaries of belonging are no longer laid down in law but determined by the power of the purse and evidenced in the racial profile of residential segregation and the intake of private schools.
57. The principle of indivisibility of human rights requires education in conformity with the entire human rights law. Thus, the Special Rapporteur has structured government human rights obligations into making education available, accessible, acceptable and adaptable (see E/CN.4/1999/49, paras. 51-74; E/CN.4/2000/6, paras. 32-65; E/CN.4/2001/52, paras. 64-65) and is delighted at the broad use of her 4-A scheme. Its most important message is that mere access to educational institutions, difficult as it may be to achieve in practice, does not amount to the right to education. Rather, the right to education requires enforceable individual entitlements to education, safeguards for human rights in education and instrumentalization of education to the enjoyment of all human rights through education.
Notes
1. This report could not be submitted by28 November 2003, as had been requested on 16 October 2003, because a previously scheduled meeting on school fees in primary education was planned for 5 December 2003 in Washington DC and this report could only be finalized after that meeting had ended. «-- back
2. Development Committee (Joint Ministerial Committee of the Boards of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund on the Transfer of Real Resources to Developing Countries), Global Monitoring of Policies and Actions for Achieving the MDGs and Related Outcomes: Implementation Report, DC2003-0013, 15 September 2003, para. 22. «-- back
3. World Bank Operational Directive (OD).4.15 as revised in 1993. «-- back
4.Education for All: An international strategy to put the Dakar Framework for Action on Education for All into operation, April 2002, p. 16. «-- back
5.Achieving Universal Primary Education by 2015: A Chance for Every Child, B. Bruns, A. Mingat and R. Rakotomalala (eds.), The World Bank, Washington DC, 2003, p. 81. «-- back
6. The similarities between the Millennium Development Goals and the Education for All (EFA) commitments reflect the global consensus in stipulating the completion of primary education by all children by the year 2015 and the elimination of gender disparities in education. Additional EFA commitments, including the prolongation of education for all to encompass primary and lower secondary education (under the name of "basic education"), have regretfully not triggered a similarly broad global consensus. «-- back
7. Education for All Fast Track: The No-Progress Report, Global Campaign for Education Briefing Paper, 11 September 2003, available at www.campaignforeducation.org. «-- back
8. General Assembly resolution S-23/3, "Further actions and initiatives to implement the Beijing Declaration and Programme of Action, para. 68(b). «-- back
9. P. Whitacre, Education Decentralization in Africa as Viewed through the Literature and USAID Projects, Washington DC, Academy for Education Development and USAID, January 1997, p. 5. «-- back
10. The World Bank, Gender Equality & the Millennium Development Goals, Washington DC, 4 April 2003, p. 13. «-- back
11.S. Morley and D. Coady, From Social Assistance to Social Development: Targeted Education Subsidies in Developing Countries, Center for Global Development and International Food Policy Research Institute, Washington DC, August 2003. «-- back
12. Dakar Framework for Action, para. 10. «-- back
13. These are Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America. «-- back
14.Progress of the World's Women 2002: Gender Equality and the Millennium Development Goals, The United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), New York, 2002, p. 13. «-- back
15. Report of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Official Records of the General Assembly, Fifty-first Session, Supplement no. 41 (A/51/41), para. 235. «-- back
16. Promotion of Sexual Health: Recommendations for Action. Proceedings of a regional Consultation Convened by PAHO/WHO in Collaboration with the World Association for Sexology, Antigua Guatemala, Guatemala, 19-22 May 2000, PAHO (Pan American Health Organization), Washington DC, 2001, p.6. «-- back
17.Conclusions of the Pastoral Theological Congress, Fourth World Meeting of Families, Manila, 24 January 2003, available at www.vatican.va. «-- back
18. Gender and Education for All: The Leap to Equality. EFA Global Monitoring Report 2003/4, UNESCO, Paris, 2003, p. 49. «-- back
19.J. Samoff, Education for What? Education for Whom? Guidelines for National Policy Reports in Education, UNESCO, Paris, 1994, p. 28. «-- back
20. UNESCO Executive Board, Elements for an overall UNESCO strategy on human rights, (165 EX/10) para. 31. «-- back
21. II Informe Interamericano de la Educación en Derechos Humanos. Un estudio en 19 países, Instituto Intermericano de Derechos Humanos, San José, diciembre 2003. «-- back
22. Joint Training Manual for the Armed Forces of the United States, CJCSM 3500.03 of 1 June 1996, para. GL-9. «-- back
23. R. Kaplan, "Why we refuse to fight for continued occupation", International Herald Tribune, 30 April 2002. «-- back
24. UNESCO, Declaration on Race and Racial Prejudice, adopted by the General Conference of UNESCO on 27 November 1978, article 1 (2). «-- back
25. Constitutional Court of South Africa, Christian Education South Africa v. Minister of Education, case CCT 4/00, judgement of 18 August 2000, para. 24. «-- back
26.K. Tomasevski, Education Denied: Costs and Remedies, Zed Books, London, 2003, pp. 145-147. «-- back
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